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Eritrea says democratic progress slowed by regional 'hostility'
Friday March 18th, 2005 13:27.
Sudan tribune.
ASMARA, March 18 (AFP) -- Twelve years after independence, Eritrea still has a one-party political system and has not yet held national elections, a situation officials here say is justified by a regional "climate of hostility."

Despite international criticism over the state of affairs, particularly from the United States, Eritrean officials say they are in no rush to enact reforms, particularly while border tensions with neighboring Ethiopia remain high.

"The overall climate of hostility is the main factor explaining why there have been no national elections," said Zemehret Yohannes, a senior official in Eritrea's lone party, the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

The PFDJ's head of political affairs, Yemane Gebreab, said uncertainties following the 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia also prevented Eritrea's parliament from meeting.

But, he maintained the party was moving the country toward democracy even though such steps required patience due to Eritrea's current position and fears political pluralism might endanger security in the Horn of Africa country.

"For democracy, we have done a lot, but it takes time," Yemane said, noting that the war with Ethiopia had forced the postponement of scheduled national elections.

The war ended with a peace deal requiring both countries to accept as "final and binding" a border demarcation from an independent commission but Ethiopia has thus far refused to accept the ruling.

Because of Ethiopia's stance, Eritrean officials say their country is in a state of "no war, no peace" that prevents national elections from being held, even as the country's electoral commission works dutifully on a poll calendar.

But even without the lingering tensions with its neighbor, there are concerns that a headlong thrust into full democracy could destabilize the country.

"Political pluralism has its negative aspects," Yemane said, noting that it could spark divisions among Eritrea's half-Muslim, half-Christian population of an estimated 3.5 million that is split between nine ethnicities.

Only a minority of Eritreans are calling now for the political system to be opened up to other parties and Yemane said their voices would be "heard and respected" even if not immediately heeded.

That position has been decried by critics in the west, notably the United States which regularly criticizes Eritrea for its lack of democracy in its annual global human rights reports.

"The PFDJ is the sole political party in the country," the State Department said in its most recent report on the country released in February. "Presidential and legislative elections have been continuously postponed.

"The constitution, ratified in 1997, provides for democratic freedoms, however, its provisions have not been implemented," the report says.

Yet political pluralism is a stated goal of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) -- which led the 1961 to 1991 independence struggle against Ethiopia -- which transformed itself into the PFDJ in 1994 under the leadership of Isaias Afwerki, Eritrea's first, current and only president.

Despite this, officials in Asmara see danger in the speedy implementation of the vow, noting the experience of neighboring states and other African countries they say may have embraced democracy to quickly.

This system "exists in Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Ivory Coast, but what has it done for the general people?" Yemane asked.

His rhetorical question does not go over well with democracy advocates, including one diplomat in Asmara who shares the concerns listed in the US State Department report.

"In other countries in Africa, at least there are the institutions to make democracy work one day," the diplomat told AFP on condition of anonymity. "But here, what is the trend?"

"During the 1990s in Eritrea, there was a process to prepare national elections, things were moving," the diplomat said. "Now, no one talks of that any more."

EU Election Observation Mission to Ethiopia Deployed
Source : Commission Europeenne (europa.eu.int)
Actualite du 18/03/05 a 14:21


The European Commission has deployed an EU Election Observation Mission for federal and state parliamentary elections in Ethiopia. The Mission will be led by Ms Ana Gomes, Member of the European Parliament, who will travel to Addis Ababa this week to meet relevant stakeholders in the electoral process.

Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner said: “These elections represent an important moment in the wider process of democratisation in Ethiopia as well as regional stabilisation. We particularly appreciate the fact that this is the first time in the history of the country that the government of Ethiopia has invited international observers. The EU Election Observation Mission, under Ms Gomes’ leadership, will make a valuable contribution to the democratisation of Ethiopia by delivering an independent, professional and impartial assessment of the elections.”

The EU will deploy more than 160 observers to Ethiopia. This includes a core team of 9 staff which will arrive in Ethiopia on 18 March, 50 Long-Term Observers arriving in mid-April and some 100 Short-Term Observers to be deployed in early May. The mission will be present in all regions of the country and will cover the election campaign, polling and the counting of ballots up to the announcement of the official results. The total cost of the Mission is ?2.810.000. The Government of Norway will support the EU Election Observation Mission by providing some long and short-term observers.

The European Parliament will also send an Observation Delegation.

The elections form an integral part of the political dialogue between the European Union, the government, opposition and civil society representatives. The European Commission and EU Member States are financing a range of activities in the electoral field including civic and voter-education programmes and the training of journalists.

For more information:

http://europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/human_rights/eu_election_ass_observ/index.htm

ETHIOPIA: Q/A with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on Africa Commission report
18 Mar 2005 13:16:16 GMT

Source: IRIN

ADDIS ABABA, 18 March (IRIN) - Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is one of 17 commissioners who last week released a report by British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Commission for Africa. In an interview with IRIN in Addis Ababa on Friday, Meles explained his views on the report, and its role in fostering greater development in Africa. Here are excerpts from that interview:

QUESTION: The report was launched in Africa Hall, where the founding fathers launched the Organisation of African Unity in 1963. What do you think they would say if they saw the state of Africa today, more than 40 years later?

ANSWER: I think they would say that things have not gone as well as they should. But I hope they would recognise that over the past few years, and with the coming of the Africa Commission report, Africa has been making significant efforts in moving forward.

Q: What are you most pleased about with the recommendations made by the Africa Commission?

A: It is really the fundamentals of that report, based on the need for inclusive and fair globalisation. That is the fundamental point, based on the recognition that Africa should be in the driving seat.

For me it is a new paradigm - no matter what happens in terms of the specifics. If the report is endorsed by the G8 [Group of Eight economic summit], that in itself would be an historic achievement.

Q: You say the report has been infused with African spirit. Fine words, but what do you really mean by that?

A: Well, as I said in my speech, it is about Africa. It is about globalisation. It recognises that in the end, Africa has to stand up for itself, and has to do what it has to do.

And it is about the rest of the world recognising that it is in their interests, and that they are closely linked to Africa doing much better than it has done before.

Q: What do the Africa Commission's recommendations mean for Ethiopia?

A: It means legitimacy in terms of our rights, and it sets [an] agenda of development cooperation which is much more productive in my view than has been the case over the past 30 or 40 years. It creates the right framework for pro-poor growth in this country, as well as on the continent.

Q: Do you think you can set an example by settling, once and for all, the dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea?

A: We will try. We have tried in the past, but as I have said it takes two to tango.

Q: What is required on that then?

A: A willingness on the part of our fellows in Eritrea to talk. The outcome of the talks is open, but in the final analysis the dispute will have to be resolved through dialogue. Talking with each other. That is not available to us right now.

Q: But obviously you accept that peace and security are core themes of the commission's work?

A: Nothing good will happen to Africa unless we address the security and governance issues, and that means, in specific terms, in the case of Ethiopia, we have to rule out the possibility of conflict between ourselves and Eritrea for good. We have to recognise that this problem can be, and should only be, resolved by peaceful means through dialogue.

Q: There has been concern about Ethiopia moving troops to the border and the potential problems this might lead to. What is your view on this?

A: The bottom line is we will not initiate a conflict with Eritrea or anybody else. We have had enough. We believe the problem between ourselves and Eritrea can be resolved through dialogue. And so everything we do is calculated to reinforce this message; including the troop movement.

The troop movement is designed to send a message to our brothers that the option of violence in not an attractive option to any side. In the end we have got to sit around the table. There is no way round it.

Q: The measure of success for the Africa Commission is to see the implementation of the recommendations, to see real action. What specifically will you be looking for?

A: The first thing, and for me the most important thing, is that the report should be addressed. I am confident that Africa will address the report, and I very much hope that the G8 will address the report.

Once we have the paradigm in place, then we would expect our G8 partners to move expeditiously on improving the quantity and quality of aid; debt cancellation; and the [World Trade Organisation] Doha round of trade negotiations that provide real and non-reciprocal access for African goods.

Q: What sort of Africa do you see without the implementation of this report?

A: Well, clearly either we have to move forward aggressively, or we are going to move backwards, and we have examples of both. Moving backward means going in the direction of, let's say, Somalia, Liberia and so on. Moving forward means moving forward in the direction of, let's say, Botswana.

Despite the HIV/AIDS pandemic, Botswana has done very well, in terms of governance and economic development, and there are many other African countries that can be cited. So either we move in the direction of Botswana and company, or we move in the direction of Somalia and company.

Q: You have been in power now 14 years, in that time I am sure you have had a lot of promises from various countries that have not been fulfilled. Why do you think these promises [by the Africa Commission] will be fulfilled?

A: First, I am not banking on specific promises per se, I am banking on the paradigm as a whole. Secondly, despite some disappointments, we have seen some countries moving in the direction of implementing their programmes. For example, I can cite - in the case of Ethiopia - Sweden, Ireland and the UK who have improved both the quantity, but more importantly the quality, of their assistance to us.

Q: And realistically where do you think Africa will be in five years time?

A: It may not be the case that Africa, or every African country, will have done well by then, but I think there will be enough countries in Africa that are moving more aggressively to achieving the [UN] Millennium Development Goals.

Q: Is this a landmark document, a blueprint, something that people will look back on and say "that was a turning point for Africa"?

A: That is exactly the case for me, and I would have thought so for every other African.


IRIN news

Press Release by The Djiboutian Front for The Restoration of Unity and Democracy (Frud)
Friday March 18th, 2005 13:13.
Sudan tribune.

The Front For The Restoration Of Unity And Democracy ( Frud)

Press Release


March 8, 2005

Despite the declaration of multi partism in September 2002, the democratic process in Djibouti is at an impasse. The legislative elections that took place in January 2003 have amply demonstrated the fact that the president of Djibouti is not ready to accept the verdict of the ballot box.

Djibouti is as always in a no war no peace situation:

due to the incapacity of the regime to adequately treat the fundamental and deep causes of the war which has legitimised the maintenance of the political and military structure of FRUD.
because of the refusal of Ismail Omar Gelleh to apply the May 12/2001 peace accord with FRUD despite the fact that the agreement had limited content.
because new military garrisons have been opened even in the remotest areas of the North

it is clear today that change through the ballot box is almost impossible in the Republic of Djibouti.

FRUD, which had boycotted the January 2003 elections, launches an appeal to the people of Djibouti to get mobilized against the presidential election planned for April 8/2005.

The FRUD fully supports the decision by the legal opposition gathered within the Union of Democratic Alliance to boycott the planned election.

FRUD firmly believes that there is no hurdle anymore to impede the united action of the democratic opposition and thus calls on the Opposition as a whole for a real leap towards assuming its responsibilities. The Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) calls upon those states with a military presence in Djibouti, namely France and USA , to assume their responsibilities in preventing conflicts and avoiding the worst by backing a democratic transition in Djibouti much as Lebanon for one.

Mohamed Kadamy Youssouf, President of the Provisional Committee of FRUD
Contact in Belgium: 32476342583 IN FRANCE: 331 43630451

MIGHTY WARRIOR
Dailyrecord.
Mar 18 2005


Tank driver gets top medal for saving soldiers twice VICTORIA CROSS

By Chris Hughes



PRIVATE Johnson Beharry's outstanding bravery during a rebel Iraqi ambush made him the first to win a Victoria Cross in 23 years.

The 25-year-old soldier received the highest award for gallantry under attack after his Warrior tank was blown up in a hail of rockets.

With his drivers' hatch up, he forced the crippled and burning 30 tonner through a warren of enemy positions, guiding 30 colleagues to safety.

Throughout the sustained attack, the armoured vehicle driver believed his platoon commander and other colleagues may have been dead. But he fought on.

He survived another rocket-propelled grenade attack a month later but ended up in a coma from terrible head wounds, which he is still recovering from.

The last VCs were awarded to two Paratroopers killed in the Falklands. Pte Beharry, originally from Grenada, in the Caribbean, and now living in London, is the first living recipient of a Victoria Cross since 1965.

Last night, Pte Beharry, when asked what went through his mind during the second attack, said: 'RPG.'

He added: 'When I was told yesterday, I thought it was great to have received the award. I was speechless.

'Maybe I was brave, I don't know. I think anyone else could do the same thing.

'I want to return to service, but I don't know when that will be and I would go back to Iraq if I had to.'

His citation for valour reads: 'Private Beharry carried out two individual acts of great heroism by which he saved the lives of his comrades.

'Both were in direct face of the enemy, under intense fire, at great personal risk to himself - one leading to him sustaining very serious injuries.

'His valour is worthy of the highest recognition.'

On May 1 last year, Pte Beharry joined a convoy re-supplying an isolated outpost in the centre of the flashpoint town of Al Amarah.

As he drove the platoon commander's 30-ton Warrior, it was diverted to fight through vicious enemy fire and rescue a trapped British foot patrol.

At a roundabout, the vehicle was hit by multiple rocket-propelled grenades, engulfing them in a number of violent explosions.

Both the platoon commander and the vehicle's gunner were incapacitated by concussion and other wounds. Others in the rear were wounded.

With a shattered radio, Pte Beharry did not know if his commander or crewmen were still alive.

He calmly closed his driver's hatch and moved forward through the ambush position.

The vehicle was hit again by sustained rocket-propelled grenade attack from rebels and the tank caught fire.

With his periscope destroyed and his hatch blasted open, Pte Beharry was forced, head exposed, to travel through 1500 metres of enemy fire.

Bravely, he led the remaining five Warriors behind him towards safety - even though the tank was again struck by grenades and small arms fire.

Once outside the stricken outpost, he stopped and, under fire, climbed on to the turret of the still-burning vehicle and manhandled his wounded platoon commander out of the turret, off the vehicle and to the safety of a nearby Warrior.

He then returned to his vehicle and lifted the vehicle's gunner to move him to safety.

Again, he braved enemy fire to lead the disorientated and shocked casualties to safety.

Remounting his burning vehicle for the third time, he drove it inside the perimeter of the outpost to safety.

Once everybody was safe, Private Beharry collapsed from the exhaustion of his efforts.

On June 11, Beharry's Warrior was part of a quick-reaction force blitzing an enemy mortar team.

As the lead vehicle of the platoon, he was moving rapidly through the dark city streets when his vehicle was ambushed from rooftop positions.

An RPG detonated just six inches from Beharry's head, resulting in a serious head injury.

Other rockets struck the turret and sides of the vehicle injuring several of the crew.

With the blood from his head injury obscuring his vision, Beharry managed to continue to reverse the Warrior out of the ambush area before losing consciousness.

The citation added: 'Beharry displayed repeated extreme gallantry and unquestioned valour, despite intense direct attacks, personal injury and damage to his vehicle in the face of relentless enemy action.'

Pte Beharry, from the 1st Battalion the Prince of Wales Royal Regiment, married his Grenadian wife Lynthia, 23, three years ago.

She said last night: 'He is very brave and I know he would do it all again.

'He says he's just doing his job. 'When the Sergeant Major told me about the second attack, he said there was a 50 per cent chance of him surviving.

'Johnson is so brave he didn't even tell me he was in the first incident because he didn't want me worrying.'

Yesterday, Pte Beharry met the only other living Victoria Cross holder from his regiment - Lieutenant Colonel Eric Wilson, 92,from Dorset.

He was honoured in 1940 for defending a key position in Somaliland.

Lt Col Wilson said: 'It's going to make a difference to his life, he might even get a few free drinks.

'It's not that much of an exclusive club. There are thousands of us - but most of them are dead.'

Somali PM fuels peacekeeper row
Somalia's prime minister has refused to recognise a vote by MPs on Thursday rejecting the deployment of regional peacekeepers to the divided country.
Mohammed Ali Ghedi said Speaker Sharif Hasan Sheikh Adan had conducted the vote unconstitutionally, and blamed him for a brawl which followed.

The MPs threw heavy chairs at each other and beat each other with sticks.

Mr Adan defended the vote, saying MPs would accept troops from states other than Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti.

President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed wants troops to help with the relocation of the administration from Kenya, but key warlords oppose the move.

Since 1991, when the government fell, rival warlords have divided Somalia into a patchwork of fiefdoms.

Warning to ministers

President Yusuf was meeting senior politicians and warlords in the Kenyan capital Nairobi to try to resolve the issue, AFP news agency reported.


There is no powerful man in Somalia - the people today want peace and the government

Mohammed Ali Gedi
Somali prime minister

"The president is monitoring the situation very carefully and has expressed his sorrow for what happened," spokesman Yusuf Ismail Baribari told the agency.

Mr Ghedi said he could not afford to exclude neighbouring states from the peacekeeping mission, and threatened to sack any minister who opposed him.

"There is no powerful man in Somalia... The people today want peace and the government," he told the BBC's Network Africa programme, in an apparent warning to warlords to the proposal.

According to the BBC's Caroline Karobia in Nairobi the scuffles began after the parliament speaker asked MPs to raise their hands in the vote.

More than half of them were against sending regional troops to Somalia.


Facts and figures about life in Somalia


At-a-glance


Kenya television showed footage of the brawl, with parliamentarians tending to bleeding head wounds. Five MPs went to hospital for treatment.

Meanwhile, the regional body Igad has warned the new Somalia transitional government that time is running out for it to re-locate from the Kenyan capital Nairobi back to Mogadishu.

So far, Somali parliamentarians have been unable to return to Mogadishu because of security concerns.

But key warlords are opposed to the inclusion of Ethiopian troops and there have been huge protests in the capital.

SOMALIA: MPs wounded as fighting breaks out during peacekeeping debate
18 Mar 2005 12:26:32 GMT

Source: IRIN

NAIROBI, 18 March (IRIN) - Three Somali politicians were wounded on Thursday after fighting broke out during a parliamentary debate in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, over the proposed deployment of peacekeeping troops to the war-torn country.

"There was total mayhem," a Member of Parliament (MP), who asked to remain anonymous, told IRIN on Friday. He said one of the wounded MPs sustained a head injury.

During the proceedings, which were carried live on Kenyan media, MPs used their fists, sticks and hurled chairs at each other.

The fight began after the speaker of Somalia's transitional federal parliament, Sharif Hassan Shaykh Aden, announced the results of a vote on a motion to include troops from neighbouring countries in the proposed peacekeeping force. Those opposed had won by 156 votes to 55, with six abstentions.

Aden told IRIN on Friday that the fighting "was planned by those who feared losing the vote on the motion." He added, "They tried every trick to stop the vote from taking place."

Thursday's motion had been tabled by MPs who objected to soldiers from Somalia's immediate neighbours - Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti – being included in the peacekeeping troops.

In February, the African Union (AU) authorised the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the facilitator of Somalia's peace process, to send a peace mission to Somalia. IGAD's members are Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda.

The mission's purpose was to help the transitional Somali government get a foothold in the country when it relocates from Kenya. The government has remained in Nairobi since October when it was set up, citing security concerns in Mogadishu.

However, prominent Somali faction leaders, as well as members of the public, have opposed the plan, in particular the suggestion to include troops from neighbouring countries.

"We will welcome peacekeepers from anywhere in the world except our immediate neighbours," said Aden, adding that parliament "did its duty last night".

This week's opposition to the proposal, including demonstrations in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, on Tuesday and Wednesday, followed a statement on Monday by IGAD's chairman, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, that the AU would deploy troops "with or without the support of the warlords".

"Why should the warlords, for example, reject Ethiopia and Kenya?" Museveni said.

America and the International Crisis Group (ICG), have also expressed concern over the inclusion of troops from countries neighbouring Somalia without the approval of the Somali people.

Government spokesman Abdirahman Nur Dinari told IRIN that the Somali government did not recognise the outcome of the vote "since no voting took place".

"We want and need peacekeepers regardless of where they come from," he said. "If our neighbours want to help us we will welcome them."

Dinari accused Aden and a "few warlords" of being responsible for Thursday's fighting. However, Aden denied that the vote violated parliamentary procedure, saying "it was done within the law and the majority won."

The speaker said that 217 of the 275 MPs voted on the motion, which took place as IGAD ministers also met in Nairobi.

Commenting on the incident, the ICG director for the Horn of Africa division, Matt Bryden, said that while the violence in parliament was inexcusable, the incident was a "natural consequence" of Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed's insistence that the country's neighbours participate.

"By insisting on such a force, the president and PM [Prime Minister Ali Mohammed Gedi] are willfully disregarding the views of members of their own cabinet, a clear majority of parliament and large sections of the public," he said.

Bryden added that the ICG had repeatedly warned the government that it risked destabilising the transitional institution - and derailing an increasingly fragile peace process - by forcing the issue.

Unfortunately, he said, Gedi had "apparently learned nothing of the dangers this issue poses to the peace process, and is determined to bring the matter before parliament a second time."

According to Bryden, the transitional government should not be allowed to procrastinate any longer: "Its leaders must shelve this issue, request an AU monitoring force instead, move to Mogadishu and get down to work on their primary responsibilities - reconciliation and reconstruction."


IRIN news

Somaliland: Homegrown Democracy In The Horn Of Africa
Press Release: 9 Somaliland Forum

Ref: SF/EC/mg 04/15/2005


The Somaliland Forum Organization dutifully encourages the United Nations, African Union, and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Arab League and the European Union to weigh and study Somaliland's case for recognition deliberately. Is there a developing Country in the World today which is practicing democracy better than Somaliland? After careful consideration, one cannot come to a different conclusion than marvel the success this country has achieved in such a short period. Omitting and ignoring such achievements from the World stage neither helps the Horn of Africa nor advances Democracy around the world.


The people of Somaliland had the right to self-determination like any other free society. The country obtained its independence in 1960 and subsequently initiated a 'Union' with Somalia. In 1991, Somaliland withdrew from that 'Union' after lingering in 30 years of unbalanced entanglement with Somalia in which the scale was overwhelmingly tipped toward Somalia. There are not many Nations in the Globe which, haven't at one time or another, exercised this inalienable right. Somaliland will never negotiate this right as evidenced by not attending the futile and countless reconciliation conferences of the failed State, nor will she sell her soul again to submit to anyone.


Somaliland had nothing to apologize to anyone for, especially Somalia. She won independence before any of the original ethnic Somali territories of Eastern Ethiopia, Northeast Kenya, ex-French Somaliland (Djibouti) and ex-Italian Trusteeship of Somalia. Somaliland was a separate State Pre and Post Colonization and was recognized by 35 nations in 1960. This fact alone validates Somaliland sovereignty. Therefore, why would anyone argue today that Somaliland is part of any of the 4 territories when in reality, she preceded them all? And if Somaliland is part of any of them, than what exempts the other 4 territories from being part of the equation? Is Djibouti or any of the others willing to join a unified Somali flag? The simple answer is no, therefore, they cannot have it both ways.


Since the 5 Territories will never unite under one flag, is it not prudent for IGAD and particularly the AU to deal with the possible instead of the impossible? Squabbling about non-issues negates the future that could be attained for the Horn as well as Africa. Somaliland broke no international treaties nor to the agreed principles or boundaries at the end of Colonialism. The secessionist argument also has no merit. How could a State secede from a Territory it was never ingrained nor intrinsic part of? It wasn't even a breach of a partnership. It is that simple.


It was Somaliland that first initiated the 'Union'. Just as she had the right to initiate such union, she had the right to exit that 'Union." It is to everyone's benefit that the Recognition process be expedited. The UN and AU must recognize the statutory requirements for Statehood had been gratified. The Charters agreed upon by the AU had also been safeguarded by Somaliland's refusal to disregard the Colonial boundaries agreed upon.


Since September the 11th, 2001, terrorism has increased exponentially around the World. Terrorism or extremism camouflaged in any way or shape is a threat to any civilized people. They are equivalent to an opportunistic bacteria looking for a guest host. Any weak host is susceptible to this penetration. Somalia in its chaos, today finds herself such a host. Unfortunately, such extremists crossed into Somaliland from Mogadishu and assassinated a British


couple and an NGO employee who was originally from Kenya. Their attempt to destabilize Somaliland failed miserably. The Somaliland government immediately denounced these acts and apprehended 5 suspects. The government sent a clear indication that it was a Nation of laws and such barbaric acts will never be tolerated.


The people stood against the reprehensible acts of those who hold a distorted or narrow view of Islam. Such extremism will not be allowed in its boundaries. The sanctity of life and respect for humanity is what Islam instructs. Such groups find Somaliland's shift to Democracy directly foreboding. Somaliland, without equivocation, holds that Islam and Democracy could coexist.


Democracy is a notion the country has put into practice. Democratic Nations need to immediately recognize and support emerging democracies, especially Muslim democracies that are very scarce to begin with. Representative governments are the antidote to terrorism and extremism. This support would also diminish civil unrest and unnecessary uprisings. This is not a benefit to Somaliland alone, but to all nations.


The apprehension as to whether Somaliland be recognized should now be incontestable. Possible options ceased to exist in 1991. Submission to or dependence on a lawless Somalia is a suicidal road to take. The only thing the many Warlords in Somalia agree upon is their animosity and envy towards Somaliland. Had they channeled a fraction of the effort into building their Nation; they would enjoy what Somaliland has enjoyed for the past 14 years.


Neighboring Countries should not see Somaliland as a threat but a future partner coexisting in peace and trade. In a peaceful Horn, all the Nations will benefit. Somaliland will eventually tap into her natural resources to further her development and those around her. The gateway to Somaliland, the port of Berbera, on the Gulf of Adan, is also a great asset to not only Somaliland but also all others. Those who presuppose Somaliland's success is to others failure are regrettably erroneous. It is not to her interest to see her neighbors fail. To the contrary, Somaliland insists on all African Nations to finally come together and develop this vastly fruitful Continent, which is burdened with despair, disease, dictators, destruction, underdevelopment and corruption.


The Somaliland Forum Organization elicits and kindly reminds the World community the urgency that exists in the Horn of Africa. The UN, AU, IGAD, AL, EU and the United States of America must all recognize and concede the established achievements of Somaliland carefully and without duplicity. If Democracy is to be advanced around the world, is it not applicable to the Republic of Somaliland?

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Somaliland Forum is an independent organization which brings together Somaliland citizens in the Diaspora who support the sovereignty and Independence of Somaliland. The Forum helps Somaliland communities and friends around the Globe to work together and contribute to the socioeconomic and political development of the Republic of Somaliland.

For more information: Somalilandforum.com or Chair








Jamhuuriya Online

The Controversial 10,000 Strong IGAD Peacekeeping Force for Somalia
Abdullahi Mohamed (Deputy Editor Geeka Afrika Online)
Djibouti (HAN) March 17, 2005
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Controversial 10,000 Strong IGAD Peacekeeping Force Planned for Somalia




Experts from the Inter-government Authority on Development (IGAD), have agreed to send eight battalions (roughly 10,000 troops) of peacekeepers to war-torn Somalia

ADDIS ABABA, March 16 (Reuters) - The African Union (AU) said on Wednesday it planned to send between 6,000 and 7,000 troops to the Democratic Republic of Congo to help disarm militias threatening peace in the region, officials said


MOGADISHU (HAN), March 17, 2005 --The Security Council today requested the UN Secretary General to re-establish, within 30 days and for a period of six months, the Monitoring Group focusing on the ongoing arms embargo violations in Somalia, including transfers of ammunition, single use weapons and small arms.



The IGAD Frontline peacekeeping force will be deployed in Somalia at the end of April, according to a senior Ugandan military officer. The peacekeepers will be chosen from the countries of Uganda, Sudan, Ethiopia and Djibouti. The controversial 10, 000-strong regional peacekeeping force planned for Somalia will deploy across the country except in the breakaway region of Somaliland, a senior Ugandan military officer has said.
"The force will deploy throughout Somalia, from Puntland all the way to the south, but not in Somaliland," the officer said after meetings of east African military experts at which the eight-battalion deployment was worked out.
Somalia has been without any functioning central authority for the past 14 years but the region of Somaliland has established its own governmental structures and claims independence from the rest of the war-shattered nation.
The officer said the first phase of the proposed deployment, which has been recommended to begin on April 30, would see three-and-half battalions of troops sent to lawless Somalia to assist the country's transitional government relocate there from exile in Kenya.
The first peacekeepers to go would include a battalion each from Uganda, Sudan and Ethiopia and a half battalion from Djibouti, he said on condition of anonymity.
He stressed that the proposal, presented by defence chiefs from the seven-nation Inter-Governmental Authority on Development on Monday, still had to be approved by IGAD foreign ministers.
The officer added that the proposal did not take into account strong opposition from some Somali warlords and Islamic clerics to the participation in the force of troops from Ethiopia and Djibouti.
Those two countries, as well as Kenya, are seen by opponents as having ulterior motives in Somalia.
"The foreign ministers will handle those policy matters," the officer said. "We wrote down the concept and it is them to decide the implementation policy."
However, on Monday, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the current chair of IGAD, said the force, to be known as the IGAD Peace Support Mission for Somalia, would deploy with or without the support of the warlords.
"We are going to deploy with or without the support of the warlords," Museveni told defence ministers from IGAD, which comprises Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Uganda and nominally Somalia. - AFP